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Trade Compliance Center
BANGLADESH TRADE POLICY REVIEW SUMMARY - 2000
PRESS RELEASE
PRESS/TPRB/132
1 May 2000
Bangladesh should continue trade liberalization and carry out major structural reforms.
A new WTO Secretariat report on the trade policies of Bangladesh says
that it has made considerable progress in reducing tariffs and quantitative
restrictions on imports. While maintaining its liberal investment regime,
Bangladesh should carry out further structural reforms in order to reap the
full benefits from its trade liberalisation. Access in export markets are
undoubtedly obstacles to Bangladesh's economic development; however,
the main obstacles are home-grown.
The WTO Secretariat report, along with a policy statement by the
Government of Bangladesh, will serve as a basis for the trade policy review
of Bangladesh that will take place on 2 and 4 May 2000 in the Trade Policy
Review Body of the WTO.
The report also notes that in the face of severe political difficulties and
civil unrest, the government of Bangladesh seems to have lost its impetus
for structural reforms. Moreover, devastating floods, combined with
infrastructural failings such as power shortages, inadequate port facilities
and insufficient energy supplies, led to a sharp drop in export growth -
from 17.1% in 1997/98 to 2.9% in 1998/99.
The report says that textiles, and particularly clothing, have dominated
Bangladesh's exports, with their combined share growing from 70.4% in
1992 to 83.5% in 1998. These exports have been a principal source of
Bangladesh's economic growth in the 1990s. The exports are destined
mostly for the U.S. and European Union markets, to which Bangladesh has
privileged access. The report notes that such heavy dependence on a
limited number of products makes the Bangladesh economy vulnerable to
increased competition from other Asian countries that produce
labour-intensive garments, as these countries recover from the recent
economic crisis with substantially depreciated currencies. Moreover, the
phasing out of preferential access to these markets and the full integration
of all textile and clothing products into the GATT 1994, scheduled for 1
January 2005, will require Bangladeshi ready-made garments exporters to
increase efficiency and improve product quality.
The report notes that since 1992, Bangladesh has continued making
efforts to simplify and rationalize its trade regime. The customs tariff is
now Bangladesh's main trade policy instrument. Nominal applied
most-favoured-nation (MFN) tariffs have fallen by more than half, from an
average of 58% in 1992/93 to 22% in 1999/2000. The tariff is also the
Government's principal source of revenue, accounting for nearly one-third
of total taxes. The number of trade-related quantitative restrictions has
also been reduced. The report states, however, that the regime still lacks
transparency in its application of certain trade and trade-related measures
such as customs administration, tariff concessions, other border charges,
subsidies and other assistance and the regulatory framework. Such lack of
transparency allows considerable scope for administrative discretion, and
even corruption, which in turn increases the uncertainty and costs of
trade with and doing business in Bangladesh.
Despite a sharp reduction, the report says, tariff protection is still high and
applied rates vary widely. Bangladesh's applied MFN tariff is characterized
by escalation, with tariffs on raw materials lower than those on
semi-processed and fully processed goods. In comparison to the tariff
structure in 1992/93, that of 1999/2000 is much more clearly
characterized by protection to domestic manufacturers, who can import
raw materials at relatively low duty rates, and, after adding domestic
value, are protected by relatively high tariffs on import of finished goods.
The report states that the ready-made garment sector, Bangladesh's
largest exports, has flourished because it has been insulated from the
tariff regime.
On the investment front, the report notes, Bangladesh maintains one of
the most liberal regimes in South Asia with few limitation on foreign equity
participation and offers immense opportunities such as a relatively cheap
and abundant labour. According to estimates by the World Bank, annual
foreign direct investment (FDI) in Bangladesh, quadrupled from US$83
million in 1994/95 to US$386 million in 1997/98, with the bulk of FDI going
to the gas sector, due to its considerable reserves. However, FDI in other
areas has been discouraged by inadequate basic infrastructure, slow pace
of privatisation, an inefficient financial system and a generally uncertain
political climate. Thus, the report states, the cost of doing business in
Bangladesh is unnecessarily high and impairs the competitiveness of firms
operating there, both domestic and foreign. Furthermore, with the
Government's decision to open up infrastructure and other services to
private domestic and foreign investment, Bangladesh could enhance
investor confidence by binding its market access within the GATS.
Notes to Editors
Trade Policy Reviews are an exercise, mandated in the WTO agreements,
in which member countries' trade and related policies are examined and
evaluated at regular intervals. Significant developments which may have
an impact on the global trading system are also monitored. For each
review, two documents are prepared: a policy statement by the
government of the member under review, and a detailed report written
independently by the WTO Secretariat. These two documents are then
discussed by the WTO's full membership in the Trade Policy Review Body
(TPRB). These documents and the proceedings of the TPRB's meetings are
published shortly afterwards. Since 1995, when the WTO came into force,
services and trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights have also
been covered.
For this review, the WTO's Secretariat report, together with the policy
statement prepared by Bangladesh, will be discussed by the Trade Policy
Review Body on 2 and 4 May 2000. The Secretariat report covers the
development of all aspects of Bangladesh's trade policies, including
domestic laws and regulations, the institutional framework, trade policies
by measure and by sector.
Attached to this press release is a summary of the observations in the
Secretariat report and parts of the government's policy statement. The
Secretariat report and the government's policy statement are available for
the press in the newsroom of the WTO internet site (www.wto.org). These
two documents and the minutes of the TPRB's discussion and the
Chairman's summing up, will be published in hardback in due course and will
be available from the Secretariat, Centre William Rappard, 154 rue de
Lausanne, 1211 Geneva 21.
Since December 1989, the following reports have been completed: Argentina (1992 and 1999), Australia (1989, 1994 and 1998), Austria (1992), Bangladesh (1992), Benin (1997), Bolivia (1993 and 1999), Botswana (1998), Brazil (1992 and 1996), Burkina Faso (1998), Cameroon (1995), Canada (1990, 1992, 1994, 1996 and 1998), Chile (1991 and 1997), Colombia (1990 and 1996), Costa Rica (1995), C?te d'Ivoire (1995), Cyprus (1997), the Czech Republic (1996), the Dominican Republic (1996), Egypt (1992 and 1999), El Salvador (1996), the European Communities (1991, 1993, 1995 and 1997), Fiji (1997), Finland (1992), Ghana (1992), Guinea (1999), Hong Kong (1990, 1994 and 1998), Hungary (1991 and 1998), Iceland (1994 and 2000), India (1993 and 1998), Indonesia (1991, 1994 and 1998), Israel (1994 and 1999), Jamaica (1998), Japan (1990, 1992, 1995 and 1998), Kenya (1993 and 2000), Korea, Rep. of (1992 and 1996), Lesotho (1998), Macau (1994), Malaysia (1993 and 1997), Mali (1998), Mauritius (1995), Mexico (1993 and 1997), Morocco (1989 and 1996), New Zealand (1990 and 1996), Namibia (1998), Nicaragua (1999), Nigeria (1991 and 1998), Norway (1991 and 1996), Pakistan (1995), Papua New Guinea (1999), Paraguay (1997), Peru (1994), the Philippines (1993), Poland (1993), Romania (1992 and 1999), Senegal (1994), Singapore (1992, 1996 and 2000), Slovak Republic (1995), the Solomon Islands (1998), South Africa (1993 and 1998), Sri Lanka(1995), Swaziland (1998), Sweden (1990 and 1994), Switzerland (1991 and 1996), Tanzania (2000), Thailand (1991, 1995 and 1999), Togo (1999), Trinidad and Tobago (1998), Tunisia (1994), Turkey (1994 and 1998), the United States (1989, 1992, 1994, 1996 and 1999), Uganda (1995), Uruguay (1992 and 1998), Venezuela (1996), Zambia (1996) and Zimbabwe (1994).
TRADE POLICY REVIEW BODY: BANGLADESH
Report by the Secretariat Summary Observations
Economic Environment
During the early 1990s, Bangladesh made considerable progress in
stabilizing and liberalizing its economy. As a result, inflation was much
lower than previously, and average annual real GDP growth in 1992-98 was
above 5%, largely led by exports involving ready-made garments (RMGs).
Indeed, one of the most striking features of Bangladesh's trade is that
textiles and particularly clothing dominate exports: their combined share
grew from 70.4% in 1992 to 83.5% in 1998; by contrast, jute, which had
previously been Bangladesh's main export, comprising around half of total
exports through the mid-1980s, accounted for only 6% in 1998. This
dramatic change in the composition of exports is the consequence of
Bangladesh's increased integration into the multilateral trading system.
Agriculture still accounts for 30% of GDP while employing 63% of total
labour force. The RMG-dominated manufacturing sector and services,
accounting for 9% and 61% of GDP, respectively, have been the sources
of the economy's growth.
A major development, in March 1994, entailed the liberalization of the
exchange regime for current international transactions. However, an
appreciating real effective exchange rate has threatened to undermine
Bangladesh's export competitiveness, particularly vis-?-vis South-East
Asian garment manufacturers, and therefore constitutes a threat to future
export-led growth.
Whereas annual government expenditure has averaged around 14% of GDP
during the review period, tax revenues have averaged only 7.5%, which is
very low both by international and neighbouring countries' standards. (The
ratio of taxes to GDP is even lower if one includes the underground
economy, which is thought to account for roughly half of GDP.) With other
sources of revenue amounting to approximately 2% of GDP, the outcome is
a persistent central government budget deficit of around 5%. The weak
revenue base jeopardizes the Government's ability to undertake essential
social expenditures on health and education, etc., which would help to
alleviate poverty, and to provide reliable basic infrastructure. The overall
fiscal position of the public sector as a whole (that is, consolidated to
take into account non-financial, state-owned enterprises) is even worse,
owing to weak performance of these enterprises. Their operations are
sustained largely through government-guaranteed borrowing from
state-controlled banks, official external donors, and an accumulation of
domestic and external arrears.
On the structural policy front, the Government has continued to pursue,
inter alia, trade liberalization, financial sector reform, and privatization,
while maintaining in legislative terms one of the most liberal foreign direct
investment (FDI) regimes in South Asia. However, in the face of severe
political difficulties and civil unrest, which manifested themselves in
frequent nationwide strikes ("hartals") costing the country at least 30
working days in 1999 alone, the impetus for structural reform seems to
have waned. Moreover, between 1997/98 and 1998/99, real GDP growth
dropped from 5.3% to 4.2%. This was partly the consequence of a sharp
drop in export growth (from 17.1% to 2.9%), which was initially due to the
devastating floods that covered a third of the country, but exacerbated
by recurrent power shortages, inadequate port facilities, and other
infrastructural bottlenecks, as well as disruptions owing to nationwide
strikes. At the same time, inflation increased owing to a surge in food
prices, again caused by the floods. As the food supply situation improved
and non-food inflation moderated, inflation began to fall.
Unfortunately, real annual GDP growth, averaging around 5% during the
review period, has not been sufficient to make much of a dent in the
poverty that pervades Bangladesh; GDP per capita in 1998/99 was only
US$345, among the lowest in the world. More than one third of
Bangladesh's population of 127 million still lives below the poverty line, and
more than half is classified as poor. Given Bangladesh's high incidence of
poverty, its dense population, and its vulnerability to natural disasters,
including periodic flooding and cyclones, food security is a major policy
objective of the Government. Bangladesh is a large recipient of foreign aid,
a substantial portion of which entails food.
Trade Policy Framework
The Ministry of Commerce (MOC) is responsible for coordinating trade
policy matters through its agencies, as well as in consultation with other
Ministries and governmental bodies; national committees are formed to
address specific issues on trade and industrial development. Private sector
representatives, including business groups and academic institutions, are
consulted in the policy-making process through their participation in the
national committees. A major institutional change involves the upgrading of
the Tariff Commission under the purview of the MOC; the Commission is
now empowered to conduct anti-dumping and countervailing
investigations.
Bangladesh extends most-favoured-nation (MFN) treatment to all trading
partners and has taken steps to amend its legislation in the light of its
obligations undertaken in the context of the Uruguay Round, including in
the areas of customs valuation, anti-dumping and countervailing measures,
and protection of intellectual property rights. However, Bangladesh has
found it difficult to meet its WTO notification requirements. Bangladesh is
a leading voice among least-developed Members in the WTO as regards
their specific needs and concerns as well as the difficulties they face.
Trade Policy Measures
Since 1992, Bangladesh has continued to liberalize its trade regime, by,
inter alia, greatly reducing tariffs and eliminating some quantitative
restrictions on imports. It has also considerably increased the
transparency of its trade regime. Nonetheless, the regime is still
characterized by a certain lack of transparency (including ambiguity) as
regards the application of certain trade and trade-related measures
(notably customs administration, tariff concessions, advance income taxes
on imports and exports, import surcharges, subsidies and other assistance,
competition policy, and the regulatory framework). This provides
considerable scope for administrative discretion, and even corruption,
which in turn increases the uncertainty and costs of trading with and
doing business in Bangladesh. At the same time, lack of transparency
distorts market signals that are necessary to ensure an efficient allocation
of resources, preventing Bangladesh from reaping the full benefits from
trade liberalization and what would appear to be one of the most liberal
FDI regimes in South Asia.
The customs tariff is the main instrument of Bangladesh's trade policy. It is
also the Government's principal source of revenue, accounting for nearly
one third of total taxes. During the period under review, Bangladesh has
made considerable efforts to simplify and rationalize the tariff structure by
reducing the number of tariff bands from 15 in 1992/93 to 5 in 1999/2000,
and lowering the maximum tariff rate from 300% to 37.5% during the same
period. While nominal applied MFN tariffs have fallen by more than half,
from an average of 58% in 1992/93 to 22% in 1999/2000, tariff protection
is still high and applied rates vary widely. Thus, the tariff constitutes a
potentially important impediment to competition and therefore an obstacle
to the efficient allocation of domestic resources. At the same time, the
wide dispersion in nominal tariff rates provides considerable scope for
misclassification of imports by customs officials. Moreover, the lack of
bindings and wide gaps between applied and bound rates impart a degree
of unpredictability to the tariff regime. The existence of a number of tariff
concessions, some based on end-use, may require importers to consult
more than one document in order to ascertain the applicable tariff rate,
which adds to the uncertainty and opacity of tariff assessment. Further
protection and unpredictability has arisen because customs valuation has
not always been based on transaction prices; recently, the authorities
have taken steps aimed at bringing customs valuation into line with WTO
norms.
Tariff reform has resulted in a considerable fall in the overall level of
effective protection, and has also reduced the dispersion in effective rates
of protection (ERPs). Nevertheless, ERPs still vary widely across sectors;
the export-oriented textiles and clothing sectors, together with processed
food and tobacco products, are accorded high levels of effective
protection. The RMG sector, has flourished, however, because it has been
insulated from the tariff regime; it has also greatly benefited from
Bangladesh's export promotion measures and preferential access to U.S.
and EU markets.
State involvement in trade has been greatly reduced, and all countertrade
and special trade arrangements have been abolished since the last Review.
However, tariffs are augmented by a multiplicity of other border charges
and, in some instances, the discriminatory application of internal taxes, all
of which are tantamount to tariffs and can raise nominal protection by one
third. While the overall number of banned or restricted import items,
including those for trade and non-trade reasons, has been reduced
considerably, they account for 11.7% of HS 8-digit tariff lines in
1999/2000. Trade-related bans or restrictions remain on agricultural and
textile products.
To mitigate the adverse impact on exporters' competitiveness of high
tariffs, various other charges, and import restrictions, exporters benefit
from an array of measures, including concessional tariffs, a duty drawback
system, special bonded warehouses and export processing zones. As a
result, the trade regime is complex. In addition, direct subsidies are
provided to exporters of textiles and clothing, and were recently extended
to exporters of some other products. Furthermore, tax relief of 50% is
allowed for income generated by exports.
Since its last Review Bangladesh has further opened up many of the
state-dominated sectors to private investment; the sectors include
essential infrastructure, such as telecommunications, power generation,
and transport. While the foreign investment regime is liberal, with no
limitations on foreign equity participation or repatriation of profits, lack of
investment in these and other sectors, has clearly hampered Bangladesh's
economic development.
In an effort to encourage investment, the Government offers a wide range
of open-ended tax incentives, notably tax holidays and accelerated
depreciation. However, the effectiveness of such incentives in attracting
investment is doubtful, particularly in the absence of fiscal transparency,
which would involve a detailed account of tax revenues forgone, and
systematic evaluation of the impact of these incentives in relation to
forgone taxes. The existence of incentives complicates tax administration
and taxpayer compliance, while increasing the scope for tax avoidance and
evasion, both of which are reflected in Bangladesh's low overall level of tax
collection relative to GDP.
Infrastructural Services
Inefficient provision of essential services has constituted a major
impediment to the smooth functioning of the Bangladesh economy. A weak
financial system hampers economic growth, for instance, by restricting
access to the financing of exports and investment. Insufficient and
unreliable telephone connections and energy supplies can disrupt
production of goods and services, while poor transportation and port
services hinder international trade and the domestic distribution of goods.
This lack of reliable basic infrastructure discourages foreign investment in
Bangladesh. Many of these basic infrastructural services have long been
provided by state-owned enterprises, most of which are inefficient and
often loss-making, employ outdated equipment, and are unable to meet
the essential needs of the economy. Thus, the cost of doing business in
Bangladesh is unnecessarily high, which impairs the competitiveness of
firms operating there.
The natural gas and power sectors have attracted large FDI inflows in
recent years and offer great potential to the Bangladesh economy. Given
its considerable reserves, the gas sector could boost industrial and
agricultural production through increased power generation and fertilizer
production, and may eventually offer the opportunity for exports of gas in
various forms. Bangladesh's scarce power generating capacity, which has
impeded the country's production capacity, has been increased by FDI in
the sector.
Despite the Government's decisions to open up infrastructure (and other)
services to private domestic and foreign investment, it has so far failed to
make use of the GATS framework, which could help build investor
confidence with regard to Bangladesh's commitments to liberalization of
state-dominated services. While it has made some commitments in the
tourism and travel-related services and telecommunications, these were
merely a commitment to the status quo.
Outlook
While barriers to access in export markets are undoubtedly obstacles to
Bangladesh's economic development, the main obstacles are home-grown.
Notwithstanding the immense opportunities offered by Bangladesh,
including its relatively cheap and abundant labour, potentially large market,
and one of the most liberal FDI regimes in South Asia, FDI continues to be
discouraged by a number of problems. These include frequent strikes,
inadequate basic infrastructure (notably power, telecommunications and
transportation facilities) and resulting bottlenecks, slow pace of
privatization, an inefficient financial system, an institutional environment
that is bureaucratic and corrupt, political uncertainty, and a worsening law
and order situation. These factors tend to increase the cost of doing
business in Bangladesh, thereby impairing the competitiveness, not just of
foreign-owned enterprises, but also of domestically owned enterprises.
Clearly, there is a pressing need to create the broad political consensus
necessary to address these problems through structural reforms. Such
reforms might usefully include further trade liberalization, although
Bangladesh appears to be reluctant to undertake such reforms because of
what it views as the slower pace of liberalization by some of its main
trading partners.
While Bangladesh has escaped the worst effects of the Asian crisis, the
depreciation of the crisis-hit countries' exchange rates may well mean that
it will face intensified competition from these and other countries,
particularly in respect of labour-intensive RMGs. With textiles and clothing
dominating its exports, and the bulk of those exports going to the
European Union and the United States, there is a need for Bangladesh to
diversify both its export base and export markets. At the same time, the
phasing out of preferential access to these markets and the full integration
of all textile and clothing products into the GATT 1994, scheduled for
1 January 2005, will require Bangladeshi RMG exporters to increase
efficiency, improve product quality, and ensure that their products are
competitively priced.
TRADE POLICY REVIEW BODY: BANGLADESH
Report by the Government - Part I and III
I. The Extent of trade liberalization
1. Bangladesh along with other developing countries joined the WTO at the
culmination of the Uruguay Round (UR) in order to avail the advantages of
an open and liberal trading system. This was to strengthen the domestic
production base and competitive position and to, inter alia, avail the
opportunity to negotiate for enhanced market access in major developed
and newly industrialized countries. In Bangladesh, the trade liberalization
process started in the mid 1980s. The Government has since undertaken a
number of bold steps, which include liberalization of the trade and foreign
investment regime, strengthening the financial sectors, legislative and
regulatory framework, closing and privatizing some loss-making
state-owned enterprises (SOEs), adjusting or abolishing some administered
prices, broadening the base of VAT collection and taking steps to improve
governance.
2. In respect of trade liberalization, export diversification and import
liberalization received the highest priority in the earlier years. This
consisted in permitting the exporters of non-traditional items to convert
some of their export earnings at the higher exchange rate in the
secondary market, reduction of the tariff level and tariff dispersion,
simplification and rationalization of the tariff structure, and deregulation of
the import process. The result was reduction of QRs and some tariff cuts
by the mid 1980s. These reforms led to higher growth of non-traditional
exports and the emergence of a more diversified export structure. The
"positive list" carried over from the pre-liberalization days was replaced
with a smaller "negative list", which specified items not to be imported
without official sanction.
3. Towards the end of the 1980s, import liberalization leapt forward
stimulating the export sector with some additional incentives. The number
of items on the negative list was progressively reduced. As far as import
items subject to QRs were concerned, about two thirds of HS 8-digit items
for the whole economy in 1987 had been made eligible for free entry into
the country and only about one eighth of the items remained banned. This
was a substantive progress when set against the highly protected trade
regime in place at the beginning of the 1980s.
4. In the 1990s the liberalization process was accelerated. A major thrust
of change was the substitution of the multiple-rate sales tax by a 15%
VAT. The successive budgets also announced progressive reduction of
tariff and non-tariff barriers. By 1994, the share of free import items rose
to 94% of all HS 8-digit items and only 0.4% remained banned. During this
process, the pace of liberalization in the import of intermediate and capital
goods moved much faster than for consumer goods. 76% of intermediate
and 73% of capital goods were already allowed unrestricted import in
1987; this share increased to 97% and 93%, respectively, in 1994. In
addition to the dismantling of non-tariff restrictions, there has also been a
drastic cut in nominal protection rates over the years. Tables 1 and 2
summarize the reductions in tariff and non-tariff barriers as a result of this
liberalization process.
Table 1
Trends in average and dispersion of tariffs, FY1991-2000
(Per cent)
Description 1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
Number of tariff rates 17
17
14
11
5
6
6
6
6
4
IDS (Infrastructural Development Surcharge) --
--
--
--
--
--
--
2.5
2.5
2.5
Average licence fee --
1.2
1.4
1.5
1.5
1.2
1.3
1.3
1.0
--
Top customs duty rate 350
350
300
300
60
50
45
42.5
40.5
37.5
Source: BBS; NBR.
Table 2
Average import-weighted tariff in Bangladesh, FY1991-1999
(Per cent)
Import categories 1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Intermediate inputs 24.1
24.1
23.6
22.9
26.3
22.43
21.40
20.95
21.45
Capital goods 18.7
18.7
18.4
16.1
12.5
9.61
10.81
8.38
8.57
Final Consumer goods 47.3
47.3
36.5
36.7
26.4
23.57
24.85
17.56
11.19
All imports 24.1
24.1
23.6
24.1
20.8
17.01
17.90
16.06
14.68
Source: NBR.
II. The structure of tariffs
5. It can be seen from information in the above table that the maximum
tariff (customs duty) rate was reduced from 350% in FY91 to 40% in
FY99. Under the FY2000 Budget, the maximum tariff rate was reduced
further to 37.5%. In contrast to the vary high tariff rate that prevailed in
the early 1990s, reductions achieved in the maximum as well as the
average tariff rates are significant. However, the average rate is pulled
down substantially because many of the non-competing imports such as
locally unavailable raw materials and machinery/equipment enter at zero
or very low rates. Competing imports face higher tariff rates, nearly 25%
of tariff lines (mainly finished products) face the maximum tariff rate.
Table 3
Phased removal of quantitative restrictions, FY1990-2002
(Number of 4-digit HS Codes)
Trade reasons
Banned
Restricted
Mixed
1990-91 239
93
47
39
60
1995-97 120
5
6
17
92
1997-2002 129
7
9
17
96
Source: Ministry of Commerce.
6. The percentage of items subject to trade-related quantitative
restrictions has been reduced from 40% to 2%, at the HS 8-digit level.
Most of these developments have taken place since 1992. As a result of
these reforms, the unweighted average tariff has fallen from 89% in
1990/91 to about 20% in 1998/99, while the import-weighted average
tariff has declined from 30% to about 16%.
7. The lowering of tariffs and the withdrawal of quantitative restrictions
has, over the years, contributed to reducing the spread between the
official exchange rate and the market exchange rate. The foreign
exchange market was unified in 1992, and Bangladesh accepted the
obligations of Article VIII of the IMF in 1994, making the taka fully
convertible for current account transactions.
8. Trade liberalization in Bangladesh appears to have progressed at a
faster rate than in many neighbouring countries. Bangladesh exporter have
been very successful in penetrating the highly competitive markets of the
European Union and the United States. In some cases the quota utilization
rate for different categories of apparel has recently been nearly 100% in
Bangladesh. Over the years, Bangladesh has been able to improve product
quality and has gained greater acceptance in international markets, with
apparel exports increasing from 5.2% of total world imports in 1995 to
6.8% in 1997. Garment exporters have gradually moved up-market in
recent years and are increasingly exporting sophisticated items like high
quality suits, jackets and branded items. In recent years some exporter
have also been successful in penetrating Japan's extremely quality
conscious market. As a result, merchandise exports, led by the garments
industry, grew at an impressive annual average rate of 17% in US dollar
terms between 1990/91 and 1997/98. However, the export base has been
very narrow, with bulk of the foreign exchange earnings coming from a few
sectors. The removal of the Multi-Fibre Arrangement quotas in 2004, under
the Uruguay Round Agreement on Textiles and Clothing, might result in
Bangladesh losing its preferential access in these markets. While
Bangladeshi exporters have started competing effectively in global
markets, the phasing out of preferential access and the abolition of
quotas, scheduled for 2005, will require them to increase their efficiency,
improve product quality and ensure that their products are competitively
priced.
9. The Government is taking a number of steps to improve trade-related
infrastructure, both physical and institutional, to meet the challenge of the
dynamics of the present and future trends in trade. Addressing these
constraints should enable the private sector to diversity into
higher-value-added products and decrease the economy's dependence on
a few items. The Government is aware of the urgent need for building
trade management capacity and in this respect has launched a long-term
Customs and Tax Modernization Program. Initiatives are also in progress for
strengthening the capacity of the Bangladesh Tariff Commission to provide
effective assistance to the Government and the private sector in meeting
obligations of WTO rules and various regional cooperation agreements.
Over the medium term, customs is expected to evolve into a
trade-facilitating agency.
III. Economic preformance
10. Economic performance is the result of the influence of a host of
factors quantitative and qualitative. It is rather difficult to disentangle
precisely the contribution of trade liberalization to economic performance.
However, the significance can be indicated by associating trade
liberalization to the change in some macroeconomic indicators like GDP
growth rate, the rate of inflation, export performance, current account
balance, etc. Thus, trade liberalization appears to have contributed,
together with other market-oriented reforms and sound macroeconomic
management, to improved macroeconomic performance. The people of
Bangladesh have benefited from the improvement in policies, with growth
in GDP per capita accelerating to 3.2% per annum during 1991-98
compared with 1.7% during 1984-90. Per capita GDP growth rates in both
periods would have been higher had it not been for the disaster proneness
of the country, which saw the devastating floods of 1987, 1988 and 1998
and the catastrophic cyclone in 1991. Financial year 1999 has been a
difficult year for Bangladesh. The floods of 1998 imposed hardship on the
lives of millions of people and caused colossal losses to the economy. The
adverse impact of the floods, notwithstanding, actual perfomance of the
economy was far better than expected after the floods. Timely initiative of
the Government and the courage of the people have played an important
part in the process of recovery.
11. It is expected that GDP growth rate will reach 5.47% in FY2000
compared with 4.88% during FY99. Long-term trends of changes in
sectoral composition of GDP show that the relative share of the agriculture
sector declined from about 30% of GDP in the early 1990s to around 25%
in the late 1990s. On the contrary, the share of the manufacturing sector
increased from 12-13% to 15-16% of GDP during the corresponding period.
The shares of other sectors of the economy remained relatively stable
over the same period. These changes indicate that while output of
agriculture has increased on a sustained basis, its relative contribution has
been declining and those of the industry
and the services sector have been increasing over the years. The recent
variations do not indicate reversal of the trend, but the impact of
temporary shocks.
12. The agriculture sector, which provides about one fourth of the GDP,
overcame the impact of the floods. The progressively liberalized
trade-policy environment and the resulting increase in exports in the 1990s
have improved Bangladesh's external position. The current account deficit
excluding grants improved from 2.2% to 1.2% of GDP from 1996/97 to
1997/98.
13. The budget deficit during FY99 has been estimated at 5.3%, up from
4.2% of GDP in the previous year. An expansionary monetary policy was
pursued with Broad money (M2) increasing by 12% in the twelve months
ending April 1999 compared with an increase of 8.7% in the preceding
year. During the first two quarters of FY99 there was an upward pressure
in prices but after the new harvest, the inflation rate declined. Primarily
due to lower food prices, the quarterly adjusted inflation rate fell from
12.7% in December 1998 to 7.5% in April 1999.
14. The FY2000 Budget has emphasized mobilization of domestic
resources, promoting export-led industrial expansion, and poverty
alleviation. It has introduced changes in taxation to expand revenues and
improve efficiency in the tax system. To encourage private investment in
the export sector, floating government bonds amounting to about US$200
million have been offered to attract resources for industrial investment.
Progress has also been made in enacting laws and setting up special
courts to deal with loan defaulters, opening up the telecommunications
and energy sectors to private investment, and improving cost recovery for
public services.
The TCC offers these agreements electronically as a public service for general reference.
Every effort has been made to ensure that the text presented is complete and accurate.
However, copies needed for legal purposes should be obtained from official archives maintained by the appropriate agency.
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